Author: pauld

History of The Scottish Parliament

2019 marks the 20th Anniversary of the current Scottish Parliament at Holyrood in Edinburgh.

A special event marking the opening of the parliament is taking place on Saturday 29th June 2019 and members of the public are invited to visit the parliament and join the celebrations.

What many will not be as aware of, is that the previous version of the parliament (known as The Parliament of Scotland was in existence from 1235 – 1707 – a period of almost 500 years of Scottish Independence. Continue reading

Brexit: Statement from the First Ministers of Scotland and Wales

Statement from the First Ministers of Scotland and Wales
(28 Jun 2019 Article from Gov.Scot)

Joint call to UK Government ahead of British Irish Council.

Speaking ahead of the final British Irish Council before a new Prime Minister takes office, the Scottish and Welsh First Ministers have called on the future Prime Minister to rule out a ‘no deal’ Brexit under any circumstances.

In a joint statement, First Minister of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon and First Minister of Wales Mark Drakeford said both their governments would work together, and with others, to keep the UK in the EU.

The two First Ministers said:

“We are becoming increasingly alarmed by the increase in hard-line rhetoric about a ‘no deal’ Brexit and a debate focussed on policy proposals for leaving the EU which have no basis in reality.

“Severe economic damage is already being done as a result of Brexit uncertainty impacting economic opportunities as companies will be making decisions on their future on long-term competitiveness – as workers at British Steel, Ford, Honda, and elsewhere can witness.

“We believe leaving the EU without a deal would be disastrous for the economies within these islands and for the livelihoods of hundreds of thousands of people.

“A ‘no deal’ Brexit would deeply damage the reputation of the UK as a reliable international partner and undermine the Good Friday Agreement and the peace process on the island of Ireland.

“The next Prime Minister must pull back from the brink of a ‘no deal’ Brexit and be honest with the public. If they continue on their current path, the UK looks increasingly likely to crash-out of the EU in just four months’ time.

“The EU will not simply cave in to demands to re-open the Withdrawal Agreement, and claims that we could both leave without a deal and still benefit from tariff-free trade with the EU have been disproved.

“The new Prime Minister must change course and rule out ‘no deal’ under any circumstances.

“It is now clear that, due to the deadlock at Westminster, there should be a new referendum on EU membership and both our governments would support remain. We will work together and with others who share that aim.”

Article Source: https://www.gov.scot/news/statement-from-the-first-ministers-of-scotland-and-wales/




Ministerial Statement – Next Steps on Scotland’s Future

Constitutional Relations Secretary Michael Russell, Scottish Parliament. (29/05/19)

Presiding Officer,

Much has happened since, the First Minister set out, in late April, the Scottish Government’s view of continued Brexit chaos and of the measures this Government must bring forward to protect the people of this country.

Last Thursday Scotland said, loudly and clearly, that it is a European nation and it intends to remain one.

It also rejected all attempts to deflect that argument and showed its contempt for equivocation.

Elections can be brutal judgements on parties and politicians.

But, Presiding Officer, elections can also be fresh starts.

So, if all the parties in this chamber are willing to hear the clear voice of Scotland, then I believe we can find a way to put behind us the divisions of Brexit and move forward together.

And that is what this statement is about.




On the 11th of April, when the EU threw the UK a lifeline to avoid a no deal Brexit, Donald Tusk, the President of the European Council said to Westminster “Please don’t waste this time”.

But he has been ignored.

The manifesto on which we won the Holyrood election in 2016 and on which this government is founded said the Scottish Parliament should have the right to hold another referendum “if there is a significant and material change in the circumstances that prevailed in 2014, such as Scotland being taken out of the EU against our will”.

Any “deal” which takes Scotland out of the EU against the wishes of the majority has that effect.

And if a new prime minister attempts a “no deal Brexit”, whilst we will do everything possible to stop it, and everything we can to mitigate it, it will be yet further proof that the conditions set out in our manifesto in April 2016 have been met in full and there will be an even greater urgency to give Scotland the choice of a different future.

The Scottish Government will of course continue to do all we can to stop Brexit for the whole UK. In particular, we will continue to support a second referendum on EU membership – a position which received widespread support on Thursday. But time is running out.

The third anniversary of the Brexit referendum will be with us in less than a month’s time. The accelerating shambles has caused and is causing real damage to Scotland’s economy, and to our social fabric.

The assumption that a UK Government and a UK Parliament would or could in any way do better for Scotland than our own independent institutions has been finally and completely destroyed.

Presiding Officer there must be – and there is – a better way forward.

That is, in our view, for Scotland to become an independent, European nation.

But as we seek that way forward, we must try and build as much consensus as we can.

One thing we have learnt from Brexit is this – there is a need for reconciliation and the bringing together of different views.

We must try to break the current logjam with the power of fresh ideas.

To do that we must approach our collective national future in a spirit of openness and acceptance that we all want the best for our country.

We must be mindful not just of those who won, but also those who lost – not just this week, nor even just in 2016 but in 2014 too.

It will not be easy, but at least we start on that process with a high degree of consensus about the basic fact – the Westminster system is broken and there is no mending of it in sight.

The First Minister said last month that we must reach out and be inclusive and our approach to the three tasks we are now taking forward has been, and is, just that.

So firstly, as context, I can confirm that, despite the chaos we witness in Whitehall, my colleagues and I will continue to attend intergovernmental meetings with UK and Wales (and hopefully soon Northern Ireland) counterparts.

The destination the Scottish Government wishes for this country is independence, but as we travel towards that, we have a role in helping to improve the structures under which we presently live and work.

In the past two years I have often quoted the terms of reference of the JMC (EN).

They have consistently and fundamentally been ignored by the UK Government.

There must be a new – meaningful – respect for our position and for the responsibilities which are ours as of right.

There needs to be a clear and urgent timetable for the current inter-governmental review, which must secure a legal underpinning to the relationship, and the UK Government must commit to respecting the legislative consent mechanism rather than ignoring it.

These matters will be discussed at the next JMC (EN) due before the end of June. We must see significant progress on them if those meetings are to have any future purpose.

Presiding Officer that is about the journey.

Let me now turn to the destination and the three areas of activity which the First Minister set out in her April statement.

Firstly, the Referendums (Scotland) Bill was introduced to the Parliament yesterday and has been published this morning.

This Bill will, it is hoped, have completed its Parliamentary progress by the end of this calendar year.

As the First Minister said in April, it is the intention of the Government to offer the people of Scotland a choice on independence later in this term of parliament.

Of course, should circumstances change we would have the option of seeking Parliament’s agreement to proceed on an accelerated timetable.




The Bill provides a legal framework for holding referendums on matters which are now or in future within the competence of the Scottish Parliament.

The rules it sets out are of the highest standards and will ensure that the results are widely and internationally accepted. It brings Scotland into line with the UK where there is already standing legislation for referenda through the Political Parties Elections and Referendums Act which Westminster passed in 2000.

As the First Minister indicated in her statement, we intend at a future date to negotiate with the UK Government for a section 30 order to put beyond doubt our competence to hold a referendum on independence.

When the framework is used in those, or any other circumstances, a separate vote at a future date will allow members to consider the specific topic and approve the question.

The proposed franchise will be based on that used for local government and Scottish Parliament elections, which includes EU citizens and 16 and 17 year-olds.

It will be updated to incorporate future extensions to the franchise. I have previously set out my intention to extend the franchise for Scottish Parliament and Local Government elections to all people legally resident in Scotland, whatever their nationality. Those proposals will be brought forward shortly.

Given the disastrous and shameful experience of many EU citizens last Thursday it is now obvious that this is the only way to secure the democratic rights of every citizen.

I look forward to working with other parties at all stages of the parliamentary process.

Secondly, on cross-party talks about the broken Westminster system and the future needs and direction of Scotland, I welcome the commitment from Labour and the Greens to explore what might be possible. I hope the other parties who have not yet responded will now confirm that they wish to do so.

I have suggested using an independent interlocutor who would talk to parties separately to gather views and create an agenda and format for these talks. This would take the pressure out of the process and allow better engagement without any hangover from past discussions.

I intend to start a first round next month and to build on that if the other parties are willing.

These talks are without preconditions, and I commit myself and the Scottish Government to constructive engagement in them.

I know that wider civic Scotland is keen to be involved and I will work with the parties to consider how that might be possible.

Finally, Presiding Officer we have made considerable progress with the creation of a Citizens’ Assembly.

Two weeks ago I visited Ireland where I met some of the key people responsible for the Constitutional Convention and the Citizens’ Assembly. I am meeting with a range of experts from this country and overseas in order to further inform our own planning.

There is already a lot of interest in, and enthusiasm for, the Citizens’ Assembly. I hope that all parties will welcome and become involved in the initiative, as was the case in Ireland.

In order to help members engage more, I have arranged for the Secretaries of the Irish initiatives to come to Scotland, on 19th June to speak to MSPs and others. This will include a briefing session to party leaders or their nominees.

At and after the meetings on the 19th of June I would want all parties to offer their thoughts and suggestions.

I hope to be able to announce an independent chair and the formation of an expert steering group in the coming weeks and to confirm the timetable and the process for formulating the precise issues for deliberation when we return in September.

We intend to hold the first session of the Assembly in the Autumn and to have all five or six sessions completed by next Spring.

Presiding Officer, in conclusion, as we take forward a range of activities based upon consensus and compromise we will be endeavouring to get away from the negativity and nastiness of the current Brexit process.

Scotland deserves – and this week has clearly demanded – better.

We must create a country in which we all feel we have gained something worth having, and where we all feel part of a shared national endeavour regardless of the particular side of the argument we come from.

That is the spirit which imbued the First Minster’s statement in April and which the Scottish Government is determined to carry forward.

I hope we can do so together.

That is the fresh start the people of Scotland have offered us.

We should all grasp it with both hands.




Article Source: https://news.gov.scot/speeches-and-briefings/ministerial-statement-next-steps-on-scotlands-future

FM Nicola Sturgeon: It’s time for Scotland to consider its options

(Article: 28/05/19) Scotland has given its verdict on the UK’s Brexit chaos and the numbers are spectacular. The SNP has achieved its best-ever European result, and the highest vote share of any party in Western Europe. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon reflects on the options now facing Scotland.

Leadership, in any walk of life, can be challenging and Theresa May’s tenure as Prime Minister was never going to be plain-sailing.

The hand she was dealt when she took office three years ago was not an easy or obviously winning one. Her predecessor, David Cameron had gambled on an EU referendum and lost, her party was divided and the country’s future relationship with the EU was uncertain, to say the least.

Now, just three years after she entered Downing Street as Prime Minister, Theresa May has set her date of departure.

One of the messages she stressed in her resignation statement was the need to compromise. Unfortunately, her conduct as Prime Minister was far removed from that rhetoric. To put it bluntly, compromise is what Theresa May failed to do, refused to do even, at every stage of her Premiership. And that is, in no small measure, why we are in now in this mess.

Theresa May’s first visit as Prime Minster was to Scotland.

I met her at Bute House and she stressed that she wanted Scotland to be an equal partner in the Brexit negotiations. She spoke of a ‘special bond’, a ‘precious union’ and that her government would ‘stand up’ for Scotland’s interests.

It is fair to say that I was sceptical even then. However, I was prepared to give her the benefit of the doubt. However, despite her warm words, these stated intentions were never put into practice.

In the three years that followed her visit, Scotland’s needs were side-lined, the Scottish Parliament’s powers ridden roughshod over and every single attempt by the SNP and Scottish Government to find compromise and an acceptable – even if not ideal – way forward ignored in favour of pandering to the hard Brexit faction of her Tory party, and also to the DUP.

And the worry now, with her departure , is that it is the hard Brexit faction that is now in the ascendancy. Because the hard reality is that, while Theresa May’s resignation on Friday felt somewhat inevitable, it does nothing to resolve the current state of affairs and the Brexit impasse. Indeed, she leaves the country with the prospect of an even bleaker future of an uncompromising Brexiteer in Number 10 who will pursue a hard or no-deal Brexit at all costs.




As things stand, the favourite to replace her is Boris Johnson.

On Friday at an economic conference in Switzerland, he said he’d be prepared to walk away from the EU with no deal if he cannot negotiate what he’d deem to be a suitable arrangement.

As if the thought of Boris Johnson – or another of the hard Brexiteer cabal – in Downing Street isn’t distressing enough, the delivery of a no-deal Brexit would be catastrophic.

Scottish Government research has already shown that the UK government’s proposed Brexit deal could see a 6% fall in GDP by 2030, worth over £1,600 per person in Scotland.

Under a no-deal, Scotland would be facing heightened economic uncertainty, an increase in unemployment by around 100,000, a 10% – 30% depreciation in sterling and a possible recession.

That is an unacceptable price for remain-voting Scotland to pay for a Tory Brexit obsession.

Whoever takes the reins of the chaotic Tory party, it would be deeply wrong given the current mess the UK faces for them to take hold of Downing Street without a General Election.

Whilst it has been Tory party policy to refuse the public a second vote on EU membership, it’s time for the balance of power to be shifted away from the archaic 1922 Committee and for the people to be given a say in the future direction of the country, and who leads it.

For Scotland, we may have another decision to make. The events of recent years pose serious questions about our own future and whether or not we’re content to continue on this destructive path.

Whilst the SNP at Westminster and the Scottish government have tried hard to stop Brexit for the whole of the UK, the prospect of a hard Brexiteer in Downing Street makes it more important that we consider all our options.

We must therefore focus our efforts on doing everything in our power to protect Scotland from this destructive path, which is why I announced the Scottish Government’s intentions to give people in Scotland the choice of becoming an independent country.

More detail on the framework legislation that will put the rules for a future referendum in place will be set out in the coming days. The Bill is a necessary part of the preparations we need to make to offer people in Scotland the choice of independence in a referendum within this parliamentary term.

Whoever is in Downing Street, and whatever disastrous Brexit policy they pursue, one thing is clear – there must be an alternative choice for Scotland. As the UK continues on a damaging Brexit path, I believe that more people will opt for the positive choice of joining the other small, prosperous, independent nations that play a full part in the European family of nations.

Article Source: https://www.snp.org/its-time-for-scotland-to-consider-its-options/




First Minister writes to PM about lack of interaction with Scottish Govt on Brexit

(Article: 19/03/19) First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has written to the Prime Minister about the role of the devolved administrations in talks on the future trade relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union.

Full text of letter:

Dear Theresa,

I recognise that this is a critical week for Brexit, ahead of the European Council at the end of the week. It is therefore with concern that I have read press reports over the weekend about offers you may be making to the Democratic Unionist Party, upon whom you rely for a working majority in the House of Commons. As a consequence I wanted to seek clarity and assurance from you at the outset.

Since the EU referendum in 2016 there has been sustained and consistent damage done to the devolution settlement, and to the idea that the UK is a partnership of equal nations. As you are aware, like Northern Ireland, Scotland voted to remain in the European Union.

In the past two years however, Scotland’s wishes and national interests have been roundly ignored and at times treated with contempt by the UK Government.

I now have three further major concerns over what appears, from reports, to be your strategy for securing a majority for your Brexit deal. By according the DUP disproportionate influence, it seems clear that maintaining your majority in the UK Parliament comes before respect for the properly constituted governments across the UK.




Firstly, there must be no question of one political party – the DUP – being represented in talks on the future trade relationship between the UK and EU when other political parties and Devolved Governments are not. As you are aware, in August 2018, the Scottish Government published a paper in respect of our role in International Trade negotiations. There has been no indication that the UK Government is taking these proposals seriously, although there has since been support for a greater role for devolved administrations in trade negotiations from both the International Trade and Scottish Affairs select Committees in the House of Commons. In addition, there have been no meaningful moves to ensure the devolved governments have a properly enhanced role in the next phase of EU-UK negotiations.

Secondly, the UK Government’s proposals to the DUP appear to involve a serious curtailment of the powers of the Scottish Parliament. Indeed in seeking to obtain support for your deal in December the UK Government committed, in the event that the Protocol on Northern Ireland is required, “to ensure that there would be no divergence in the rules applied in Great Britain and Northern Ireland in areas covered by the Protocol”. Many of the relevant rules fall within devolved competence and therefore it is not in the gift of the UK Government to unilaterally constrain the powers of the Scottish Parliament in order to strike a deal with the DUP. Continued alignment can only be guaranteed with the full support of the Scottish Government and Parliament. As you will be aware, the Scottish Government continues to be concerned that Scotland will be placed at a disadvantage if your proposals take effect.

Finally, we continue to see decisions from the UK Government which undermine and discredit the existing UK funding framework and which short-change Scotland. In 2017, The UK Government provided an additional £1 billion to Northern Ireland as part of the confidence and supply agreement between the Conservative Party and the Democratic Unionist Party and recently it allocated another £140 million in Northern Ireland’s 2019-20 Budget. These funds were allocated to devolved matters and it is completely unacceptable that these decisions did not result in additional consequentials for Scotland. The UK Government’s actions mean that Scotland has lost out on equivalent funding of around £3.3 billion. The UK Government cannot continue to favour Northern Ireland over the other devolved administrations for short-term political gain and we expect any future funding to be allocated in a fair and transparent manner.

I have said and will continue to say that while there is no broad consensus in the UK Parliament for your Brexit deal, the decision ought to be put back to the people in a second EU referendum – that is the responsible and democratic thing to do. However should the UK continue on a path to exiting the EU, then there must be fair and equal treatment of the four nations of the UK in relation to influence over and a role in the negotiations of the future relationship through the properly constituted devolved institutions.

At present, far from ensuring such fair treatment you appear to be pursuing a path that privileges one political party, further constrains the powers of the Scottish Parliament and short-changes public spending in Scotland. This approach would not be acceptable.




Article Source: https://www.gov.scot/news/letter-to-the-prime-minister/

Joint statement by the First Ministers of Scotland and Wales – EU Exit Debate

(Article 06/03/19) Scotland and Wales unite to voice dismay at UK Government’s approach.

“Today, for the first time in the 20-year history of devolution, the National Assembly for Wales and the Scottish Parliament, voted simultaneously to oppose a damaging no deal Brexit.

Read Nicola Sturgeon’s opening speech at the debate: https://scottishpoliticsnews.org/2019/03/05/first-minister-speech-brexit-5-march-2019/

“The vast majority of Members across both Chambers voted in agreement that a no deal outcome would be completely unacceptable and that an extension to Article 50 is the best way forward to protect Wales, Scotland and the UK as a whole.

“No deal would mean not just probable short term chaos, but also very real and long-term structural damage to our economy. Damage which would mean fewer jobs, lower wages and less tax revenue.

“The motions in both the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales also re-iterated opposition to the deal negotiated by the Prime Minister which would do significant damage to both countries.

“This united and historic step was taken to send the clearest possible message to the UK Government and Westminster that this reckless course of action must stop now.

“We take little comfort from the sequence of votes planned to take place in the House of Commons next week, when a vote on extending Article 50 will be held only after another attempt to browbeat Members of Parliament into supporting the Prime Minister’s deal and a vote to support no deal.

“We are just 24 days away from crashing out of the EU. The Prime Minister’s attempt to run down the clock must be resisted at all costs.

“Today we have come together to set out our clear opposition to the actions being taken by the UK Government.

“Next week the Prime Minister and the UK Parliament must show they have listened, rule out no deal at any time and request an immediate extension of Article 50.”




First Minister Speech on Brexit (5 March 2019)

Nicola Sturgeon’s speech at the Scottish Parliament debate on Brexit (5 March 2019)

The Scottish Parliament and Welsh Parliament are holding simultaneous sessions today (with debating and voting) calling on the uk govt to act on brexit – “We have been brought together by our dismay – bordering now on despair – at the UK Government’s approach to Brexit”.

 

Scottish Parliament TV: https://www.scottishparliament.tv/meeting/debate-eu-withdrawal-negotiations-march-5-2019

Presiding officer,

In Cardiff this afternoon, Jeremy Miles, the Welsh Brexit Minister, will open a debate on almost exactly the same motion as the one we are debating here today. The Welsh First Minister will close the debate.

It is worth emphasising that this is the first occasion in 20 years of devolution that the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly have acted in unison in this way.

We have been brought together by our dismay – bordering now on despair – at the UK Government’s approach to Brexit.

That despair is echoed across our countries.

As recently as last summer, the Prime Minister confidently told me that by the autumn of last year, not only would we know the terms of exit, we would also know significant detail about the UK’s future relationship with the EU.

And yet here we are, just 24 days until the UK is due to leave the EU.

And still we don’t know if there will be any agreed terms of exit.

We don’t know if there will be a transition phase.

And the terms of the future relationship are not much more than a blank sheet of paper.

The potential consequences for businesses, communities, individuals and public services grow more stark by the day.

And in the face of all this chaos, the Prime Minister is showing no decisive leadership.

Instead of doing the right thing and ruling out a no deal exit at any stage, she insists on free wheeling the car ever closer to the cliff edge.

She is trying to run down the clock, making undeliverable promises to hardline Brexiteers and offering tawdry, half baked bribes to Labour MPs.

Her one note of consistency in all of this has been contempt for Scotland. Seemingly, we aren’t even worthy of her bribes – though I think we should take that as a compliment.




Presiding Officer,

The domestic and international standing of the Westminster system of government has surely never been lower in any of our lifetimes.

This fiasco should not be allowed to continue for even one day more.

The Scottish and Welsh Parliaments are today making three demands.

The first is that the prospect of leaving the EU with no deal is ruled out – not just at the end of March, but at any time.

The second is that MPs must not allow themselves to be bullied into choosing between the catastrophe of no deal and the disaster of the government’s deal.

And the third is that an extension of Article 50 is essential and urgent, and must be requested now.

The demand to rule out a “no-deal” scenario is, I hope, supported across this chamber.

The Scottish Government is doing everything we can to plan for and mitigate the impact of a no-deal Brexit.

I am personally chairing our weekly Resilience meetings, looking at medicine and food supplies, economic and community impacts and transport links.

But every aspect of that planning reinforces this overwhelming reality – no rational government acting in the interests of those it serves would countenance leaving the EU without a deal.

The UK Government’s own forecasts predict that a no-deal scenario could reduce GDP by 9% over a 15 year period.

But you just need to look at the nature of the preparations to know that the impact would be much more immediate.

The UK government has been buying fridges to stockpile medicine. It has been testing motorways and airfields in Kent for use as lorry parks. It has been awarding and then cancelling ferry contracts to businesses which don’t even have ships.

It has been taking steps which should be inconceivable in a developed economy in peacetime. And all of it to plan for an avoidable outcome which, if it happens, will be by choice.

It is unforgivably reckless.

‘No deal’ should be definitively ruled out – and today, from Edinburgh and Cardiff, we demand that it is.

However – and this brings me to the second purpose of today’s motion – the UK Government must not use the threat of no deal to blackmail the UK Parliament into voting for its current deal.

The response to the rejection of Theresa May’s deal has so far been characterised by delays, denials, dishonesty and most recently desperate attempts at bribery.

Ministers have wasted months pretending that significant changes to the Northern Ireland backstop are possible – despite all evidence to the contrary.

Much better, surely, to face up to the fact that the deal is unpopular because it is a bad deal – for the UK, and certainly for Scotland.

It would take us out of the EU, out of the single market and out of the custom union.

But it provides no clarity whatsoever on what our long-term future relationship with the EU looks like. The UK Parliament is effectively being asked to approve a “blindfold Brexit”.

To the extent that any direction of travel can be discerned, it points to a long-term social and economic disaster for Scotland.

The red lines mean that we are heading towards a Canada style deal at best.

And let’s focus on what that means – the Scottish Government estimates this could lead to a fall in national income of £1,600 per person by 2030 compared with EU membership.

Our services sector, three-quarters of our economy, will be particularly badly hit.

Being out of the customs union, pursuing an independent trade policy, will also make the UK vulnerable to the trade priorities of Donald Trump.

When the US Government’s negotiating priorities were published last week, it was no surprise to hear fears that Scottish and UK markets could be opened to chlorine-washed chicken and hormone-fed beef.

And, of course, part and parcel of the approach taken in the PM’s deal is the end of freedom of movement. Combined with the despicable hostile migration policy, that could lead to a fall in the number of people working in Scotland and paying tax here.

The NHS and social care will pay a particularly heavy price if EU nationals are deterred from working here.

In short, the deal on the table guarantees more years of uncertainty during which Scotland’s interests will be at the mercy of a vicious, and seemingly never-ending, Tory civil war – one where the extreme Brexiteers are currently in the ascendancy.

It could open up our markets to US products which, for very good reasons, are currently banned.

And it will damage our economy, our living standards and our NHS.

For all of these reasons, and many more, it must be rejected.

And what should happen instead?

The Scottish Government has made clear that we see continued EU membership as the best outcome for Scotland and the UK.

And if it can’t be secured for the UK as a whole, we believe that option should be open to Scotland as an independent country.

Of course, we have also, for more than two years, put forward compromise proposals which would see the UK as a whole stay in the customs union and single market.

The Welsh Government has also put forward plans for a close relationship with the EU.

The UK Government has ignored us at all stages.

What the Welsh and Scottish Governments are proposing now – and this is the third point raised by today’s motion – is that there must be an extension of Article 50.

Nobody now believes that Brexit can be delivered on 29 March.

Quite apart from anything else, there is no time to scrutinise and pass the legislation required.

But we should not simply seek a short extension, as the Prime Minister envisages.

We need an extension long enough to enable a better path to be taken. This could open the way again to the possibility of a single market and customs union compromise.

However the preferable alternative option, in my view, is now a second EU referendum.

There is a strong democratic case for it.

After all, nobody voting to leave the EU knew precisely what they were voting for – the leave campaign was deliberately vague, some may say deceitful, about the form Brexit would take.

And where the leave side was specific, it was less than honest – for example about the prospect of Turkey joining the EU and the NHS getting more money.

We also know now that the leave campaign broke the law.




Presiding officer, I understand that prospect of a second vote does not appeal to everyone.

And we cannot take for granted that there would be a majority for Remain across the UK – that would have to be worked for.

But simply pressing ahead with Brexit – knowing that we are heading for disaster – makes no sense. After all, whatever most people voted for, it clearly wasn’t where we are now.

A second referendum provides everyone with a second chance. While Scotland, of course, has the option of independence, for the UK as a whole, another referendum is now the best of the options available.

Presiding Officer, last month I opened the new Scottish government hub based in Paris.

And in a city like that – where evidence of Scotland’s ties with Europe extends back more than seven centuries – it’s absolutely impossible not to feel a deep sense of loss about what Brexit means for Scotland.

Our country has benefited immeasurably from the hundreds of thousands of EU citizens who have made Scotland their home. Many Scots have had their horizons widened and their lives enriched by the ability to study, travel and work in Europe.

The EU – while far from perfect – has also encouraged stronger trading ties, a cleaner environment, and better conditions for workers.

And perhaps most of all it has exemplified the benefits we all gain when independent nations fully cooperate for the greater good. That is not something which we should give up lightly.

For more than two years now, since the result of the EU referendum, the Scottish Government has proposed ways of mitigating the damage that Brexit will cause.

We have been joined in our efforts by the Welsh government. However we have been ignored at almost every turn by the UK Government.

This motion is a further attempt to propose a way forward. It provides the basis – even at this late hour – for a more sensible and less damaging approach.

And by doing so it allows us to act in the interests – not just of our own constituents – but of the UK as a whole; indeed of Europe as a whole.

I commend this motion to the Parliament and hope that members of this Scottish Parliament and our friends in the Welsh Parliament will vote for it this evening.